Taxis are
an important element of mobility in the overall transportation network of any
city. They should be considered part of
a city’s array of mass transit services, an alternative to single-occupant auto
trips. Nationwide, taxis carry at least
40 percent more passengers that all other mass transit combined. Since taxis are more expensive than other
transit services, they obviously offer something that other transit modes do
not. In particular, taxi services are
important to certain segments of the population - seniors, housewives, the
disabled, and the poor each account for a much higher share of taxi trips than
their share of the population. Most
other riders are business of tourist visitors.
Given the importance
of taxi services to its residents, city governments should take every effort to
ensure that nothing impairs local taxi markets.
On April 1st residents of Anchorage will vote on whether or
not to open up their taxi market. And in
Denver, the state legislature is facing the same question. There is a great deal of evidence that more
open and competitive taxi markets are more valuable to the community. The last 15 years has seen a broad literature
documenting the outcome of regulatory and other changes that increase
competition in municipal taxi markets. In
fact, a review I wrote of all the studies done by economists on taxi
deregulation found that of the 28 articles, nineteen concluded that
deregulation is beneficial (on net), two conclude that the results are mixed,
seven conclude deregulation is net harmful
There is
much to be learned from studying the success stories rather than reacting with
fear because of some failures. In
general, more open and competitive taxi services tend to mean
higher service levels (in terms of
total taxi hours in service), less waiting time for a taxi, a greater variety
of services, lower operating costs in the industry, and higher quality service,
than is found with monopoly taxi service.
The net result is increased usage - more people use taxis for more trips
- which means greater mobility for local residents. The city will also benefit from having a
larger and more vital taxi industry, with greater employment and income
opportunities. In many case, the city
may also benefit from greater tax revenues from a larger and growing taxi
industry.
Looking at all of the
evidence on opening up taxi markets, I reach a number of conclusions.
1. Taxi deregulation has worked in many cities.
v
Many cities have deregulated
in the last two decades, and a complete survey of the literature shows that in
some cases it worked well, and in others there were problems that led to some
re-regulation.
v
Arguments based on the
results of one, two, or three studies do not tell the whole story—and even
studies critical of deregulation concede that sometimes it works.
v
The lesson is that we should
be learning from the deregulation successes
.
2. The Lynchpin Study Critical of Deregulation,
by Price Waterhouse, is Flawed.
v
The study did not condemn
deregulation, as is commonly claimed, but concluded that “the effects of
taxicab deregulation have ranged from benign to adverse, depending on local
conditions and markets.”
v
The study did not precisely
define “re-regulation.” Many of the cities it studied re-imposed restrictions
on entry, limiting the number of taxis allowed to operate, while others simply
imposed a maximum fare. After
‘re-regulation” many of the cities studies were still more market-oriented than
before they deregulated. And
re-regulation was not without its faults—a 1996 review of taxi policies Seattle
found that re-regulation to restrict the number of taxis had already begun to
create a new set of problems.
v
The study did not compare
what happened to fares in the two sets of cities. Fares did not go down in
either re-regulated or deregulated cities—between 1985 and 1992 average fares
increased 17.4% in deregulated cities and 17.3% in re-regulated cities.
v
Other studies of the same
cities reach different conclusions. For example, another study of deregulation in
San Diego concluded that the overall effect of deregulation was better for
customers.
3. Fast-Growing, Spread-Out Cities are the Most
Likely to Benefit from Deregulation.
v
Many of the cities that have
remained deregulated are growing cities, while those that re-regulated were
mostly slow-growth or declining cities.
Cities that stayed deregulated grew by an average of 22.7% while cities
that re-regulated grew by only 2.1%.
v
In growing cities, arranged
rides are usually 75 percent or more of the market, and it is arranged rides
where deregulation is most often successful—the problems that lead to
re-regulation have most often occurred in the taxi stand markets and at
airports.
v
It is the tragedy of regulation’s one-size
fits-all approach that problems in on part of the market lead to restrictions
on all. A more sensible approach is to
deal directly with the problems with the taxi stand and airport markets and
leave the rest of the market minimally regulated for safety and perhaps maximum
fares.
4. The Politics of Taxi Regulation Makes
Decisions Difficult
v
Who comes to testify on
behalf of regulation—the industry.
Little wonder, as they have the most to gain from restrictions on prices
and especially entry—no one wants more competition if they can avoid it.
v
Who loses from price and
entry restrictions? Taxi riders—estimates of the cost to passengers of taxi
regulations range as high as $800 million nationwide. Especially the poor
without cars, the elderly, the disabled, and others who now and then need
affordable door-to-door transportation services and would benefit from a
competitive market. That is why ministers for black and hispanic community
churches, who’s congregation cannot get a ride home after late night services,
and organization’s such as the Urban League, plead for an open and competitive
taxi market. Also, there are the taxi
drivers, current and would-be. No matter
how good the job market, there are those who would drive a taxi part-time or as
a second job were it not for the restrictions on their options. One certain fact of all past deregulation has
been more taxi drivers with the opportunity to make a go of it.
5. There are Positive Case Studies to Learn
From.
v
In 1994
Indianapolis undertook a more sweeping deregulation—removing limits on
licenses, setting only a maximum fare and new stringent safety requirements.
Today the city could not be more pleased with the outcome. Since deregulation: 1) The number of licenses
taxi companies tripled from 26 to 75; 2) Of the 49 new companies, 40 are
minority or women owned; 3) Average fares have dropped 7%; 4) The number of
customer complaints has declined; 5)
Waiting times have dropped; and 6) Before deregulation there were 392 licensed
cabs, but only about 200 operated on a given day. Now roughly 500 cabs operate each day.